From “Hold Fast Together” to Collective Defence: Is the Muslim World Entering a New Strategic Era? Makkah Joint Defence Agreement
Wa'tasimu bihablillahi jami'an wala tafarraqu" is a phrase from Surah Ali 'Imran (Ayah 103) of the Quran meaning "And hold firmly to the rope of Allah all together and do not become divided
For centuries, the Muslim world has possessed enormous demographic, economic, geographic and strategic potential, yet political fragmentation has often prevented that potential from translating into collective power. Today, however, a new geopolitical development is forcing the world to reconsider whether a different era of cooperation may be emerging.
The recent Makkah Joint Defence Agreement between Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Türkiye has immediately attracted international attention. Signed on 7 August 2026, the agreement contains a significant collective-defence principle: an armed attack against one of the three states is to be regarded as an attack against all three. Pakistani officials have described the arrangement as defensive and open to further cooperation, rather than an alliance directed against a particular country.
The language inevitably reminds observers of NATO's collective-defence principle. NATO's Article 5 similarly establishes that an armed attack against one member is considered an attack against all, although NATO's structure, institutions and decades of military integration are far more developed.
This distinction is important.
Calling the new arrangement “Islamic NATO” or “Muslim NATO” may be politically attractive, but it is premature. The real question is not what the media chooses to call it. The real question is whether these three countries can transform a political commitment into a credible system of strategic cooperation.
A verse about unity meets a changing geopolitical reality
Surah Al-Imran, Ayah 103 contains a powerful principle:
“Hold firmly to the rope of Allah all together and do not become divided.”
The verse is fundamentally a call for unity. But in today's international system, unity also has strategic consequences. A fragmented region is easier for external powers to influence. A region whose countries coordinate their diplomatic, economic and security interests possesses greater bargaining power. The Makkah agreement therefore needs to be understood beyond the narrow question of military alliances. It may represent the beginning of a broader conversation about whether Muslim-majority countries can increasingly take responsibility for their own security rather than permanently depending upon external security architectures.
Why has the world reacted so strongly?
The timing is crucial.
The Middle East has experienced years of war, civil conflict, political instability and competing regional ambitions. Gaza remains central to the political consciousness of the Muslim world, while Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and other parts of the region have experienced prolonged instability. At the same time, Israel's military operations and expanding regional confrontations have generated questions about the future security architecture of West Asia. Against this background, the emergence of a security framework involving Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Türkiye naturally attracts attention. Saudi Arabia brings enormous economic influence, energy importance and geographic significance. Türkiye brings a large conventional military, defence-industrial capacity and NATO experience. Pakistan brings significant military experience, strategic depth and a nuclear deterrent. Individually, these countries already possess substantial capabilities. The strategic question is what happens when those capabilities begin to cooperate more systematically.
The “Sunni NATO” and “Shia NATO” narratives
Almost immediately, some commentators began describing the development as a potential “Sunni NATO.”
Others went further and speculated that a competing “Shia NATO” could eventually emerge.
But such labels can oversimplify a much more complicated geopolitical reality.
The Muslim world is not a single geopolitical actor. Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Iran have different national interests, security priorities and foreign-policy calculations.
The more important question is therefore not whether this becomes a Sunni-versus-Shia military bloc.
The more important question is whether Muslim-majority states can develop mechanisms through which disagreements are managed without becoming permanent divisions exploited by outside powers.
If the new arrangement becomes another instrument of sectarian competition, its potential will be severely limited.
If instead it becomes a framework for regional stability, its significance could be much greater.
Is this about Israel? Is it about Iran?
Both questions are being asked. But the answer may be more complicated than a simple “yes” or “no.” The official position matters. Pakistan has described the agreement as defensive and not directed against a particular country. Nevertheless, every defence agreement changes the calculations of potential adversaries. That is the essence of deterrence. A country does not necessarily need to threaten war to prevent war. Sometimes the possibility that aggression will produce a much wider response is itself enough to discourage escalation. This is where the Makkah agreement could become strategically important. If an adversary believes that attacking one member could activate diplomatic, economic, intelligence or military cooperation involving all three, the cost-benefit calculation changes.
The Palestine and Gaza test
Ultimately, however, the credibility of any new Muslim security architecture will be judged not by its name but by its actions. For millions across the Muslim world, the most immediate question will be:
What does this mean for Palestine and Gaza?
The Muslim world's response to Palestine has repeatedly revealed the gap between political statements and strategic action. Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan have all participated in wider diplomatic efforts concerning regional security and Palestinian issues. In June and July 2026, Türkiye's foreign ministry published joint statements involving several Muslim-majority states condemning Israeli actions concerning Al-Aqsa and occupied East Jerusalem. But condemnation alone does not create deterrence. If the new framework eventually develops diplomatic coordination, humanitarian mechanisms, intelligence cooperation, defence integration and economic leverage, it could acquire real strategic weight. If it remains only a declaration, its impact will be much smaller.
The American question
Another major issue is the future of the American security presence in the Middle East. For decades, many countries in the region have relied upon American military power and security partnerships. The emergence of regional defence cooperation could therefore signal a gradual attempt by Middle Eastern states to assume greater responsibility for their own security. That does not necessarily mean an immediate rejection of the United States. In fact, the three countries continue to maintain relationships with Washington and other Western powers. The emerging model may therefore be less about replacing America overnight and more about strategic autonomy.
The message could be:
We will cooperate with global powers, but our survival cannot depend entirely upon them.
Why Saudi Arabia has a particularly large stake
Saudi Arabia's transformation under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is not simply an economic project. Vision 2030, technological development, tourism, infrastructure and projects such as NEOM require a stable strategic environment. Large-scale economic transformation becomes extremely difficult when a country constantly faces the possibility of regional war. For Riyadh, therefore, deterrence is not simply a military issue. It is an economic necessity. Saudi Arabia wants to build a future in which investment, technology, tourism and innovation can flourish. A credible regional security architecture could contribute to that objective by increasing the perceived cost of aggression.
Pakistan's strategic importance
Pakistan brings another unique dimension. Its military experience, geographic position and strategic capabilities make it an important security actor connecting South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East. Its relationship with Saudi Arabia is also longstanding. The new trilateral framework potentially gives Pakistan a larger diplomatic and strategic role beyond South Asia. But Islamabad will also face a difficult balancing act. Pakistan must maintain relations with Saudi Arabia and Türkiye while managing its relationship with Iran, China, the United States and its immediate regional environment. Therefore, the success of the agreement will depend partly on whether Pakistan can maintain strategic flexibility without becoming trapped in another major-power confrontation.
Türkiye: the bridge between worlds
Türkiye may be the most institutionally interesting member of the arrangement. It is simultaneously a Muslim-majority country, a major regional power and a NATO member. Its participation therefore demonstrates that the emerging framework cannot simply be described as an anti-Western military bloc. Türkiye's position gives the agreement a unique bridge between the Middle East, Europe and the wider Muslim world. At the same time, Türkiye's NATO membership means that the new agreement exists alongside another collective-defence system. NATO itself reaffirmed its Article 5 commitment at its July 2026 Ankara summit. This makes the geopolitical architecture increasingly complex.
But can three countries really create another NATO?
Not yet. NATO is not merely a sentence saying that an attack on one is an attack on all. It has decades of institutional development, integrated command structures, interoperability, joint exercises, intelligence cooperation, logistics, defence planning and established procedures. The Makkah agreement is at the beginning of its journey. Its real strength will therefore be determined by what happens next.
Will the three countries establish permanent military committees?
Will they conduct joint exercises?
Will they develop integrated air and missile defence?
Will intelligence-sharing mechanisms emerge?
Will defence industries cooperate?
Will military logistics become interoperable?
Will other Muslim-majority countries eventually participate?
These are the questions that will determine whether this becomes a historic strategic transformation or simply another diplomatic agreement.
The possibility of a wider Muslim security architecture
Perhaps the most important possibility is not a three-country military bloc but a wider network of cooperation. If the framework remains open to other countries willing to cooperate peacefully, as Pakistani officials have indicated, it could eventually develop into something broader. Countries such as Egypt, Indonesia, Qatar, Jordan and the UAE already participate in various regional consultations and diplomatic initiatives. The challenge will be to transform these separate relationships into practical cooperation without creating unnecessary sectarian or geopolitical confrontation. The future may therefore not be a single “Muslim NATO.” It may instead be a networked Muslim security architecture — multiple countries cooperating in defence, diplomacy, trade, technology, energy, intelligence and humanitarian protection while retaining their individual foreign policies.
A possible civilisational shift
This is where the discussion becomes larger than one defence agreement. For decades, the Muslim world has often been portrayed as a collection of states reacting to crises created elsewhere. A different model is now imaginable:
That does not mean returning to an imagined past.
It means building modern institutions capable of protecting sovereignty, economic development and human security.
Military power alone cannot produce civilisational revival.
A powerful Muslim world would require universities that lead scientific research, economies that produce advanced technology, industries that compete globally, institutions that fight corruption, societies that educate their youth and governments capable of cooperating despite political differences.
Defence is only one pillar.
Knowledge, economic strength, technological independence and political maturity are equally important.
The real test: unity without uniformity
The greatest lesson of Surah Al-Imran 3:103 may therefore be particularly relevant today.
Unity does not necessarily mean that every Muslim country must have the same government, foreign policy or political ideology.
It can mean refusing to allow differences to become permanent sources of division.
The Muslim world can disagree about politics and still cooperate on security.
It can have different economic models and still trade.
It can have different diplomatic relationships and still defend sovereignty.
It can have theological differences and still protect human life.
Unity does not require uniformity.
What should happen next?
The Makkah agreement should therefore be judged by a practical roadmap.
First — institutionalise the agreement. Create permanent mechanisms for defence consultation, intelligence sharing and crisis communication.
Second — develop defensive capabilities. Joint air defence, missile defence, cybersecurity, maritime security and early-warning systems could be more important than symbolic military displays.
Third — build economic interdependence. Security cooperation becomes stronger when countries also have deep economic relationships.
Fourth — prioritise science and technology. A technologically dependent military can never achieve complete strategic autonomy.
Fifth — create diplomatic mechanisms for intra-Muslim disputes. A genuine regional security system cannot survive if its members are constantly divided against one another.
Sixth — make Palestine a test of credibility. The Muslim world will ultimately ask whether this new strategic cooperation can translate into meaningful diplomatic, humanitarian and political influence for Palestinians.
Seventh — avoid unnecessary escalation. A credible defence system should deter war, not create incentives for one.
Conclusion: Is the Muslim world rising again?
Perhaps it is too early to declare the birth of an “Islamic NATO.”
Perhaps it is too early to describe the Makkah agreement as the beginning of a new Muslim superpower.
But it is certainly reasonable to ask whether something larger is beginning.
For decades, the Muslim world has possessed enormous resources but struggled to convert them into collective strategic power.
The Makkah agreement offers a different possibility.
Saudi Arabia provides economic weight.
Türkiye provides military and technological capacity.
Pakistan provides strategic and military depth.
Together, they create the possibility of a new form of deterrence.
But the agreement will not become historic simply because three leaders signed a document.
Its historical importance will depend upon whether it produces institutions, cooperation, technological capability, economic integration and credible deterrence.
And perhaps that brings us back to the opening verse:
“Hold firmly to the rope of Allah all together and do not become divided.”
The future of the Muslim world may not depend upon creating another NATO. It may depend upon creating something more comprehensive — a world in which Muslim countries cooperate without surrendering their sovereignty, defend one another without seeking unnecessary war, develop their own scientific and technological capabilities, protect Palestine through meaningful action, and build prosperity strong enough that external powers can no longer determine the region's future alone.
The question is therefore not simply:
“Is a Muslim NATO being born?”
The deeper question is:
“Can the Muslim world finally convert unity from a slogan into strategic capability?”
The Makkah agreement may be only the first step.What happens after Makkah will determine whether it becomes a footnote in history — or the beginning of a new chapter.
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